The release of the All Progressives Congress Presidential Campaign Council for the 2027 general election has understandably generated considerable discussion within and outside the party. While the list brings together an impressive collection of governors, ministers, lawmakers, party leaders and experienced political actors, concerns raised by some stakeholders over the omission of several prominent figures deserve careful consideration rather than dismissal.
At the heart of the concern is a simple political reality: a presidential campaign council must be more than a collection of eminent names. It must represent the broad political coalition supporting the President, accommodate the different tendencies within the ruling party and, above all, deploy the strongest available talents in mobilisation, strategy, media engagement, policy communication and grassroots organisation. The APC enters the 2027 contest as the governing party, and consequently carries the additional burden of defending both its candidate and the record of the administration.
One appointment that has, however, attracted considerable approval is that of Senator Abdulaziz Yari as Director-General of the Presidential Campaign Council. Yari is an experienced politician, former governor, serving senator and influential political figure with substantial grassroots connections, particularly across the North. His experience in party politics and mobilisation provides the campaign with a strong political operator capable of building bridges across states and political blocs. His appointment is therefore one of the clear strengths of the original composition of the council.
Nevertheless, the absence of several established figures has raised legitimate questions. Among the names being mentioned are Deputy Speaker of the House of Representatives Benjamin Kalu, former Plateau State Governor Simon Lalong, Minister of Aviation and Aerospace Development Festus Keyamo, National Security Adviser Nuhu Ribadu, Femi Fani-Kayode, Reno Omokri, Senator Grace Bent and other recognisable political voices who have, in different capacities, supported the administration or demonstrated considerable political and communication ability.
The case of Benjamin Kalu is particularly worthy of attention. As Deputy Speaker of the House of Representatives, he occupies one of the highest elected positions currently held by an APC politician from the South-East. His national visibility, legislative standing and increasing role in political engagement across the region make him a potentially valuable asset in a campaign in which the APC will undoubtedly seek to improve its performance in the South-East.
There is also a compelling case for Festus Keyamo. His role in the 2023 Tinubu/Shettima presidential campaign placed him at the centre of some of the most intense political and media battles of that election. Whatever disagreements may exist about style, Keyamo has demonstrated an ability to defend difficult political positions, engage opposition figures and communicate the party’s arguments across traditional and digital media. Such experience should not be easily discarded.
The same broader argument applies to Nuhu Ribadu and Simon Lalong, although their circumstances and present responsibilities are different. Lalong served as Director-General of the Tinubu/Shettima Presidential Campaign Council in 2023 and therefore carries institutional memory of the previous campaign. Ribadu, meanwhile, has emerged as an influential figure within the administration and remains politically significant in Adamawa and the wider North-East. Recent political engagements in Adamawa have continued to demonstrate his relevance within the region’s political structure.
The omission of Femi Fani-Kayode has similarly attracted attention because of his involvement in the 2023 campaign and his long record as one of President Tinubu’s outspoken public defenders. Now serving in Nigeria’s diplomatic representation to South Africa, he remains a recognised political communicator with considerable experience in public advocacy, media engagement and political debate. His familiarity with many leading opposition figures also gives him an understanding of the personalities and arguments likely to feature prominently in the coming campaign.
That case, however, should not be elevated above the larger issue. The objective should not be to design the council around any particular personality but to ensure that every available political asset is deployed where he or she can add maximum value. Fani-Kayode, Keyamo, Kalu, Lalong, Grace Bent, Reno Omokri and others should therefore be viewed as part of a wider pool of experienced hands capable of complementing those already appointed.
This question becomes more urgent when the APC considers the quality of political communicators available to its opponents.
Across opposition platforms and the broader anti-government political space are experienced voices such as Dino Melaye, Dele Momodu, Kenneth Okonkwo, Buba Galadima, Bolaji Abdullahi, Paul Ibe, Hakeem Baba-Ahmed, Phrank Shaibu, Kola Ologbondiyan and Babachir Lawal.
These are formidable political commentators.
Many have spent years appearing on television, addressing press conferences, writing political commentaries and challenging governments. Several understand how to take a single statement, policy controversy or economic statistic and convert it into a sustained political narrative.
The APC should expect them to deploy those skills vigorously.
The 2027 election will therefore not be fought only at campaign rallies. It will be fought every morning on television programmes, every afternoon on radio, every evening on social media and continuously across newspapers, blogs, podcasts and digital platforms.
Every economic figure will be contested.
Every government policy will be interpreted politically.
Every security challenge will generate debate.
Every controversial statement will be amplified.
And every achievement of the administration will require people capable of explaining it convincingly to Nigerians.
That is why the strength of the campaign’s Media, Public Affairs, Strategic Communications and Digital Operations machinery is crucial. The published council itself recognises this reality by establishing extensive structures covering media, digital operations, grassroots engagement, mobilisation and other specialised functions.
It is therefore reasonable for party stakeholders to ask whether some of the people with the greatest experience in political communication have been sufficiently incorporated into those structures.
There is equally a broader issue of inclusiveness.
A successful presidential campaign must give the various political tendencies, regional blocs and support structures within the ruling party a genuine sense of participation. President Tinubu’s 2023 victory was achieved through a broad coalition of governors, party leaders, campaign organisations, support groups, legislators, political strategists and grassroots networks.
No single tendency can reasonably claim exclusive ownership of that coalition.
Consequently, concerns reportedly being expressed by individuals associated with different tendencies within the APC—including stakeholders close to Vice President Kashim Shettima—should be addressed politically and constructively. Whether every complaint is justified or not, perception itself matters in politics. A campaign organisation should begin an election with its members feeling included, valued and motivated rather than marginalised.
The same principle should guide the allocation of responsibilities. Where a limited number of individuals are assigned several significant responsibilities while other tested politicians remain outside the structure, questions will inevitably arise. The APC has an enormous reservoir of talent. Responsibilities should therefore be distributed in a way that maximises participation while allowing each directorate to receive the attention it deserves.
This is not an argument against any individual already appointed.
Neither should it become an attempt to diminish the capabilities of those presently serving in the council.
Rather, it is an argument for addition rather than subtraction; consolidation rather than division.
There have now been reports that President Tinubu has directed that the campaign council list be reviewed or reconstituted following concerns surrounding its composition. If confirmed formally, such a decision should not be interpreted as weakness. It would instead demonstrate responsiveness and an understanding that internal consultation is essential when preparing for an election of this magnitude.
President Tinubu has built much of his political reputation on coalition building and identifying individuals with different strengths. That instinct will be particularly important as the APC enters 2027.
The final campaign architecture should therefore bring together political heavyweights, experienced administrators, grassroots mobilisers, policy experts, regional influencers, young communicators, legislators and proven media warriors.
There must be room for established party leaders.
There must be room for the different political blocs.
There must be room for those who worked for the victory of 2023.
And there must equally be room for new political allies who have demonstrated genuine commitment to the President’s re-election.
Ultimately, this discussion should not degenerate into a contest over personalities or access to positions. The overriding objective is much bigger: the re-election of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu and Vice President Kashim Shettima in 2027.
That objective requires unity.
It requires inclusion.
It requires competence.
It requires loyalty.
And it requires the APC to put its strongest political and communication team on the field.
The opposition will certainly come with its best strategists, strongest debaters and most experienced political communicators. The APC must be prepared to do the same.
For a campaign of this magnitude, every useful hand should be on deck and every formidable voice should be put to work.
